Nandana Gunathilaka, who served as the Trincomalee District Secretary of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and was also the JVP’s Presidential candidate in 1999, in an interview shared his views on the current direction of the JVP (now the National People’s Power) and the political trajectory the country should follow.
Q: You were the JVP’s Presidential candidate in 1999 and even held ministerial positions representing the party. Why did you leave the JVP?
A: It’s difficult to give a short answer to that.
The JVP’s position was that to defeat imperialism in this country, we had to first defeat the LTTE’s struggle. Our goal was to overthrow the Government and later take over State power. Since the JVP couldn’t defeat a guerrilla organisation like the LTTE alone, we decided to join a coalition Government with President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.
Even then, we insisted that the structure of the Government should be set up in a way that wouldn’t burden the people. However, President Kumaratunga betrayed that halfway through. Later, we actively worked to bring Mahinda Rajapaksa as a Presidential candidate.
After Mahinda Rajapaksa became President, our aim was to join with him and contribute to the effort to defeat the LTTE, just like we did with the previous President. But at that point, the opinion of JVP activists who had just graduated or were still in universities started to change. These students were the ones who recruited new members to the party.
The belief among the JVP student activists and university groups was that the party should operate as a ‘pure Marxist movement.’ They strongly held onto this view, leading to a division between the Central Committee and the Political Bureau.
These young groups, who came from the university background, saw the situation as us distancing from leftist issues and forming an alliance with the capitalist class. Despite us presenting our perspective several times, the majority rejected it, and so I submitted a lengthy letter and resigned from the party.
Q: Later, Wimal Weerawansa also left the party, right?
A: Yes, he tried to implement that idea while staying within the party. I tried to do it from outside. When it became impossible, he also left the party.
Q: How do you feel about the decision you made back then?
A: It’s very clear now that we made the right decision.
Q: The JVP is a party founded on socialism. But later, you associated with the United National Party (UNP), which is considered a capitalist party. Isn’t that a complete contradiction?
A: I didn’t leave the JVP to join the UNP. We formed the National Freedom Front together. I became its Secretary, and Wimal Weerawansa became its chairman.
Q: After leaving, you joined the UNP, right?
A: The JVP was a party built on discipline, and even the policies of the National Freedom Front (NFF), which we later formed, had to reflect that same discipline. That’s how the party operated. However, when people within the party started drinking alcohol or engaging in behaviour that went against that discipline, it became inappropriate for me to remain in the party.
Q: How do you see the current direction of the JVP?
A: The JVP started as a socialist party founded on discipline and integrity. But today, it has degenerated into a disorganised and indisciplined party, even worse than capitalist parties.
Q: Are you making this accusation because you’re no longer in the party, or do you have evidence to back it up?
A: The truth was spoken when I was still in the party. I left because the party was not heading in the right direction. We didn’t engage in politics for personal gain or rewards. That’s why we even gave up ministerial positions.
How did the JVP raise funds in the past? They wore red caps and collected donations from the public. Loyal activists even contributed a portion of their salaries to the party. This is how the party’s funds grew.
You must have seen how the JVP’s political stages looked back then. Four coconut trunks would be erected, and a simple roof would be put up. Sometimes, the back of a lorry would serve as the stage. There were no chairs for the audience: only five or six chairs on stage. Supporters and members would stand, enduring the sun or rain, just to listen to speeches.
What’s the situation today? The JVP stages are built even grander than those of other parties. Have you seen anyone collecting donations from the public now? So where do they get the money to build those massive stages? Where do they get the funds to bring in thousands of chairs? All this money comes from foreign sources.
Q: Which countries are sending this money?
A: It wouldn’t be appropriate to disclose that.
Q: In times of crisis or disaster, it’s normal for one country to help another. But is it possible for a country to help a political party in this way?
A: These countries expect to bring a party to power that they can control. It’s not just about taking over Sri Lanka, they want to establish dominance through Sri Lanka because it’s an economic hub. The JVP has become entangled in all of this.
Think about it. I’m an organiser for the UNP. Even when I attend meetings, I’m asked to bring a water bottle to share. The JVP, which once collected money from the public, is now providing not just water bottles but other kinds of bottles on buses as well. The JVP has become that wealthy today.
Q: Are you saying that the JVP’s policies have changed, even though its manifesto has important points that could uplift the country?
A: It’s good that you brought up the manifesto. What exactly is in the manifesto? We’re moving towards the cyberspace era. We’re all striving to be in a better place tomorrow than we are today. Artificial intelligence is coming to the forefront, and we’re in the process of digitisation.
Does the JVP have any future-oriented technological plans in its manifesto? Have they considered the new world we’re moving into? Today’s generation is deeply intertwined with technology. We all like to conduct transactions online, it’s time-saving and convenient. The JVP doesn’t have a concept for moving in that direction. How can they lead a country to development?
Q: Yet, when you see the crowds at JVP rallies, doesn’t it surprise you?
A: When I ran for the Presidential election, the crowds were similar. But if all those people who came had voted for me, I would definitely have become the President.
Q: The Presidential election is only a couple of weeks away. What do you think will happen?
A: The people of this country are grateful. They remember the state of the country in 2022. When the country was in such a bankrupt state, no one came forward to take charge. Even Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who claims to think of the country, didn’t step in. I don’t think he has the capability to rebuild the country, but at least he could have shown some consideration by stopping the protests and focusing on the way forward if he truly loved the country.
Sajith Premadasa also had 53 MPs at the time, but he too refused to take responsibility for the country. All of them were only thinking about how stepping in to lead a bankrupt country might harm their political careers, not how they could do something to save the country. That’s why they all backed off.
Q: But now, they are ready to take charge of the country.
A: Yes, after President Ranil Wickremesinghe stabilised the country, providing gas, electricity, and fuel, now they are ready to take charge. Back then, when asked to take over, no one stepped forward. Now, after the hard work has been done, they’re holding meetings and spending money, vying to take control. The difference is clear.
Q: Your comments suggest that the JVP was involved in the Aragalaya (struggle).
A: They were involved in the struggle and made an impact. However, their leadership wasn’t fully engaged. If they had been, the situation would have been even more different. In broad daylight, an MP was assassinated in the middle of the street, and MPs’ houses were set on fire within hours, causing immense chaos.
At the same time, leaders like Lal Kantha and Handunnetti were preparing to take over Parliament. But since there wasn’t a proper leader to guide the movement, they couldn’t achieve their objectives. It was President Wickremesinghe who swiftly brought the chaos to an end.
Q: How do you see President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s handling of that challenge?
A: President Wickremesinghe has always been a leader who faced challenges. He took on the challenge of the Aragalaya as the only MP from the UNP in Parliament, first becoming Prime Minister and later the President, with the majority support of Parliament.
It was the trust people had in him that led many protesters to voluntarily step back from the struggle. The military and police used minimal force to put an end to the Aragalaya. We couldn’t expect those who had been protesting for months to suddenly step away, but the trust they had in him influenced that outcome.
He also managed to keep the country running through the Government officials who were in place during the struggle, allowing daily activities to continue.
If not for that, our country could have ended up like Bangladesh, where a wave of crimes occurred, with military leaders hanged from bridges and hundreds murdered. That happened because there was no leader to take responsibility. But, fortunately for our country, President Wickremesinghe stepped forward to take control.
As I mentioned earlier, if that hadn’t happened, even Parliament might not have been left standing today. We would have seen bodies hanging from bridges and lampposts.
Q: There’s a belief that Ranil and Sajith should unite, and you have also mentioned that.
A: Yes, those two should work together. What we should always consider here is patience and gaining experience until the opportunity arises.
For example, J.R. Jayewardene became Finance Minister in 1947 but became President only in 1978. It’s clear how many years he waited patiently. That patience should be present in every political leader. The people are observing this. There were shortcomings during J.R. Jayewardene’s presidency, but we must appreciate things like the Mahaweli project and scientific and technological advancements that we received because of him.
Q: But the JVP says that the country has been destroyed by these two parties for 76 years, leading to foreign debt crises and shortages of gas and fuel. They direct this responsibility to the main parties, don’t they?
A: The country began borrowing in the 1950s, that’s correct, but whether you borrow for one year or for many years, it’s the same. Didn’t the JVP raise their hands to pass the budget during Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s time?
Didn’t the JVP participate in borrowing both domestically and internationally to cover the budget deficit? Why are they now talking like they were born yesterday?
Completely denying their involvement in everything is truly hypocritical.
Q: Our country’s economic crisis was intense, and if you had to name candidates who can stabilise the economy, whom would you mention?
A: The only candidate is President Ranil Wickremesinghe. As I mentioned before, people remember well the hardships of standing in line for gas and being without fuel. Do they want to go back to those times again? Not only that, some even said that the IMF wouldn’t support us.
But today, the President has brought the country to economic stability. Not only that, he increased the salaries of public servants. Usually, public servants’ salaries are increased by printing money, but this time he did it without printing money, and we have managed to stabilise the balance of payments. That’s the vision that’s bringing the country back on track economically.
Q: But we still haven’t started foreign debt repayments.
A: Yes, the country’s economic collapse led to an economic management system created with the IMF. The economy will be handled that way in the future too.
Q: At present, some say the NPP candidate or the JVP is in the highest position in the polls. Do you agree with that?
A: Yes, as I said before, all of this is due to guidance from abroad and a massive campaign conducted on social media and the internet. That’s fine, but it’s not just the necessary financial strength- expert advice on how to conduct these campaigns has also come from abroad for the NPP. Whether we call it JVP or NPP, it’s the same.
Whatever happens, when we asked people, from the lowest level of workers to the highest-ranking public servants, they said they were silently voting for the President. That’s why the President doesn’t need a lot of publicity. People know very well the services he’s done and is currently doing, as well as what he plans to do in the future.
Translated by Dinuli Francisco
Pix by Sudath Nishantha
